Saturday, June 30, 2007

Sermon to the Birds



Sirocchie mie uccelli, voi siete molto tenute a Dio vostro creatore, e sempre e in ogni luogo il dovete laudare, imperò che v'ha dato la libertà di volare in ogni luogo; anche v'ha dato il vestimento duplicato e triplicato; appresso, perché elli riserbò il seme di voi in nell'arca di Noè, acciò che la spezie vostra non venisse meno nel mondo; ancora gli siete tenute per lo elemento dell'aria che egli ha deputato a voi. Oltre a questo, voi non seminate e non mietete, e Iddio vi pasce e davvi li fiumi e le fonti per vostro bere, e davvi li monti e le valli per vostro refugio, e gli alberi alti per fare li vostri nidi. E con ciò sia cosa che voi non sappiate filare né cucire, Iddio vi veste, voi e' vostri figliuoli. Onde molto v'ama il vostro Creatore, poi ch'egli vi dà tanti benefici, e però guardatevi, sirocchie mie, del peccato della ingratitudine, e sempre vi studiate di lodare Iddio.

This is St Francis of Assisi's "Sermon to the Birds", in Italian. The sermon is reported in Chapter 16, of Part I of The Little Flowers of St Francis of Assisi.

My little sisters, the birds, much bounden are ye unto God, your Creator, and always in every place ought ye to praise Him, for that He hath given you liberty to fly about everywhere, and hath also given you double and triple raiment; moreover He preserved your seed in the ark of Noah, that your race might not perish out of the world; still more are ye beholden to Him for the element of the air which He hath appointed for you; beyond all this, ye sow not, neither do you reap; and God feedeth you, and giveth you the streams and fountains for your drink; the mountains and valleys for your refuge and the high trees whereon to make your nests; and because ye know not how to spin or sow, God clotheth you, you and your children; wherefore your Creator loveth you much, seeing that He hath bestowed on you so many benefits; and therefore, my little sisters, beware of the sin of ingratitude, and study always to give praises unto God.

Painting: Pala Bardi, by Maestro del San Francesco, from Santa Croce, Florence. Courtesy Silvia Paoletti.

Wednesday, June 27, 2007

One year of this blog



This blog was started exactly one year ago. It has been quite an eventful year. A lot has happened, there have been various unanticipated developments, and the blogging experience has also been a part of this process. It would not be incorrect to say that blogging has helped to shape me.

I started this blog, and subsequently five more blogs, each focussing on some aspect of my interests. This blog has had over 40,000 visitors during the last one year, from over 140 countries. I have posted over 770 pieces (which includes 175 on the "Calcutta photo-blog" series, several of which were accompanied by a commentary / reflection). This blog has some loyal readers from across India and the rest of the world, who view it with some regard. I must express my gratitude to all those who have bothered to read my posts. Through this and the other blogs, I have been able to share my views and concerns with people across the world. This blog is like a visiting card; through it people can know something about me.

Through this blog, I have related to some of the happenings around me. Thus, for instance, I have written about the CPI(M), who have ruled the state of West Bengal for 30 years. I have also engaged with the subject of land acquisition (in Singur and Nandigram) which has flared up in the last one year. But my interests are eclectic, and so my posts have touched on a wide range of subjects.

A happy outcome of blogging has been making new friends. I re-connected with JP after over 25 years. I met Vincent in London last November. And in February, I met Sadiq and Samran in Calcutta, which was the start of a very meaningful friendship. A few days ago, I was overwhelmed to receive a generous donation from Sadiq towards the slum community empowerment programme I am involved with. And just this morning I heard from Irving, who wrote to acknowledge receipt of a small gift I'd sent him. He had sent me a gift earlier. Thanks to blogging, such commerce of the heart has been enabled.

My blogging fervour is at an ebb right now. There have been times when I thought I should put a full stop to it. But I am reluctant to do so. Rather, I wait for a compelling reason / subject to communicate.

From time to time I have received feedback from readers. On the occasion of this first anniversary, I would be happy to hear from anyone who feels like saying something.

Friday, June 22, 2007

Dreams



Hold fast to dreams
For if dreams die
Life is a broken-winged bird
That cannot fly.

Hold fast to dreams
For when dreams go
Life is a barren field
Frozen with snow.

Langston Hughes

Thursday, June 21, 2007

Sacred Songs blog



Today 21 June, the day of the summer solstice, is World Music Day as well as World Peace & Prayer Day.

To commemorate this day, I have created a Sacred Songs blog.

I started composing and singing devotional songs and chants in 1995, and also began setting to melody verses from sacred texts. I had the opportunity to share these songs with small audiences in different places.

I would like other singers and musicians to listen to these songs and use them as they like. And hence the Sacred Songs blog.

Sarvamangalam, mangalam!

May all living beings, everywhere, be well!


Image: Sculpture, Sacred Songs, by Bob Piercey.

Tuesday, June 19, 2007

Interview with God



"I dreamed I had an interview with God. ..."

A beautiful presentation, of some simple truths accompanied by breathtaking images, here.

Palestine: singing songs of peace



by Johann Hari

The enemies of the Palestinian people have been presenting the political chaos of the past week as evidence that they are premodern savages, capable only of building a Mogadishu on the Mediterranean. But last Wednesday afternoon, the real voice of the Palestinian people echoed out, for a fleeting moment.

Thousands of protesters - mostly women - took to the streets. They called not for sharia law or Qassam rockets against Israeli cities, but for peace. Amal Hellis, a 35-year-old mother-of-two, said: “I am not afraid. I will die to save my family and to save Palestine.” Her eldest son Medhat is a member of Fatah; her youngest son Refaat belongs to Hamas. When the marchers reached the Al Ghifary tower near the beachfront, they were fired on by gunmen - but they did not run away. The old women and their granddaughters stood in the crossfire, waving Palestinian flags and singing Give Peace A Chance.

Hamas gunmen fired from above; Fatah fighters threatened them on the ground. The women surrounded the Fatah man, forcing him with nothing but plain moral pressure to lower his rifle. Only when one of the protesters was caught in the chest by a sniper did they finally disperse.

These protesters speak for a majority of Palestinians. In the most recent poll of them conducted by the Palestinian Centre for Policy and Survey Research, 63 per cent supported full recognition of Israel in return for a proper Palestinian state. These supporters of a negotiated peace include, crucially, a majority of Hamas supporters.
This means there is actually a bigger pro-peace constituency in Palestine than in Israel, where Hebrew newspaper Yediot Aharanot polling just found that 58 per cent of Israelis now reject the idea of trading land for peace, because they think the Palestinians are irrevocably committed to destroying them.

The current crackle of civil war is not evidence that the Palestinians are incapable of self-government. It is evidence of what happens to human beings when they are rammed into a pressure-cooker and the temperature is slowly ramped up.

In this situation, any people, anywhere, would begin to turn on each other. As the Palestinian foreign minister Ziad Abu Amr puts it: “If you have two brothers put into a cage and deprive them of the basic essential needs for life, they will fight.” On top of this, the outside world has actually discouraged and humiliated the Palestinians moderates. When he took charge in 2005, the Fatah President Mahmoud Abbas made it plain he would offer huge compromises to Israel in return for a state. Ariel Sharon offered him a few lifted roadblocks in return. The message to the Palestinians was clear: electing pragmatists will get you nothing. So the next year, in desperation they elected Hamas, an Islamic fundamentalist organisation whose constitution includes statements from the anti-Semitic forgery, the Protocols of the Elders of Zion.

It must be acknowledged that upon election, Hamas leaders undeniably behaved in a pragmatic way. They did not start introducing the sharia law, or oppressing women. Instead, they observed the unilateral truce with Israel. They offered a hudna (ceasefire) that would last a generation. They gave up staging suicide-murders against Israeli civilians. They even said they would respect all previous agreements signed by the Palestinian Authority - a de facto concession that they would recognise Israel.

And in return? They received nothing but abuse and a determined attempt to dislodge them from power, by boycott and, more slowly, by bullet.

The US and Israel began arming an especially authoritarian wing of Fatah, headed by Mohammed Dahlan, with the plain intention of him toppling Hamas sooner or later. The Washington-based architect of this policy is Deputy National Security Adviser Elliot Abrahms, a man who in the 1980s illegally armed the openly fascist Contra militias in an attempt to topple the Sandinista government in Nicaragua. He was eventually jailed for his crimes. By denying them power through a legitimate election, and arming their enemies for a future liquidation, they virtually guaranteed Hamas would seize power.

Why is the Israeli government doing this? There are a range of possible explanations. One, associated with former Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu and current Deputy Prime Minister Avigdor Lieberman, is the belief that the Palestinians will only compromise once they have been totally defeated by overwhelming force. They reckon that if the Palestinians are throttled for long enough, sooner or later they will cower, beg for mercy, and accept Israeli terms.

The next, and more disturbing, explanation is that the Israeli government may be deliberately thwarting potential peace partners.

There is still a way out of this. Israel must negotiate with Hamas. They are offering a long, long ceasefire. The Arab states are even - in a startling offer from Saudi Arabia - offering full recognition and normalisation of Israel in the region, if only Israel returns to its legal borders. Perhaps they are lying. Perhaps it is a trick. But it is the only gameplan in town that offers even the chance of a happy ending.

But Israel seems determined not to take this chance. Ehud Barak, the ex-PM back as Defence Minister, is briefing that he will bomb Gaza yet again, and within weeks. He is proposing to actually intensify the blockade of the Gaza Strip for a few weeks, to “pressure” Hamas.

The Israeli government is clinging to the belief that the harder you beat the Palestinians, the softer their leaders will become. This mentality created the current collapse. It will only drag the Middle East further and further away from the sane voices of women such as Amal Hellis, singing songs of peace.

Dignity of labour in our times



Who discovered the first detergent soap in India?

Who created scripts as they crafted pots?

Who selected and standardised most of the food items we eat today?

How did cotton come to be spun into cloth?

Who originated the science of making leather out of animal skin?

In the book for children Turning the Pot, Tilling the Land: Dignity of Labour in Our Times (published by Navayana), Kancha Ilaiah throws light on the science, art and skill of adivasis (indigenous people), cattle-rearers, leatherworkers, potters, farmers, weavers, dhobis (washermen) and barbers. The book documents the contributions to the betterment of human life by castes and communities despised as 'lowly' and 'backward'.

Recently, students opposed to reservation in affirmative action in India's educational institutions expressed protest by polishing shoes, sweeping the roads and selling vegetables. Why such resentment against labour? Could these students make shoes or till the land? Could they make a pot? This book, with stunning illustrations by Durgabai Vyam, is the first ever attempt to inculcate a sense of dignity of labour among India's children.

Reviewing this book in Tehelka, Vatsala Kaul writes:

The cavernous divide between those who 'labour' and those who 'work' in India has always inhabited the shaky bedrock of our social system. Labour is work that leads to no accumulation of wealth, though it often perpetuates its own impoverished struggles. Its devaluation, as scripted in Hindu religious texts and fostered by years of selfish conditioning, has only worsened, aggravating the disengagement between the historically privileged and those banished to the fringes as 'lower castes', 'Backward Classes', 'Scheduled Tribes' and 'untouchables'.

Flung into such compartments without escape, millions of Indians — adivasis, potters, weavers, dhobis, farmers, cobblers and domestic workers — are regarded as a lobotomised, unskilled mass, providing 'services' it seems they have no choice but to perform. As Ilaiah points out, the modern education system — in continuance of an ideology that considers physical labour undignified — anoints mental endeavour but is derisive and disparaging of physical work. Basic productive services are neither valued nor well-paid. It is to this work and to those who perform it that Ilaiah seeks to restore a core of long deserved respect.

The book is presented as a possible course book for children of classes 7-10, their teachers and parents. Of the book's 11 'lessons', eight deal with the scientific temper, artistic abilities, knowledge pool and many skills of adivasis, cattle-rearers, farmers, weavers and barbers. There is enough to grip the imagination — how the adivasis discovered and standardised most of the foods we eat; how leather workers used the tangedu plant for eco-friendly tannin; how tillers use traditional knowledge in planning their harvests; how potters improve their clay with smooth ash and charcoal; how dhobis use fuller's earth to remove stains and kill germs; how dais — largely the women of the barber community — are able to turn breach babies in the womb without ultrasounds or other costly techniques.

There are interesting asides, and inventive exercises readers are encouraged to try —they work as well for adults as for kids.

What do you know about CK Janu? Ever tried composting? Or protesting against manual scavenging? How much does a farmer earn on a crop?

Grownups who fret over whether to let their domestic help use the AC are advised to resolve their own conflicts before handing this book to their children. The book was sparked off by Ilaiah's shock at students from the IITs and IIMs protesting against reservations by going out to sweep roads and polish shoes, clearly demonstrating what little dignity they associated with such labour. Through lucid, logical text, Ilaiah places this work in socio-historical perspective, impressing upon the reader how entire categories of usually marginalised people have learnt, invented, discovered and created products we use but take for granted, and how they are as capable as others — often more so — of becoming teachers, software engineers, doctors, nuclear physicists or anything else.

This wonderfully designed book is a much-needed resource for both parents and teachers and anyone else who wants to educate themselves — teeming with interesting information, yet spacious and uncrowded. It is also beautifully embellished — one can't use so neutral a term as 'illustrated' — by Durgabai Vyam of Bhopal, whose Gond-style black-and-white drawings are feisty works of art.

In times when children think cows eat garbage and not grass, and that flower pots grow one on top of the other on roadsides, Turning the Pot, Tilling the Land will prove vital in empowering our children to respect all kinds of peoples and their work, and to understand, and hopefully work against, the atrocious machinations of the caste system. Class 7 is too late to start, though; it would be best to share the contents of this book as soon as kids are old enough to understand the words 'play' — and 'work'.

The one-eyed twice-borns



by S. Anand

Two recent incidents, seemingly unrelated, demonstrate how the "secular" common sense can react in shockingly contrasting ways. The first, the much publicised case from MS University, Vadodara, involves Chandramohan Srimantula's paintings, the rightwing opposition to his work, and the subsequent rallying of the secular-liberal intelligentsia around the victim. About the same time, at the All India Institute of Medical Sciences, New Delhi, a case of blatant victimisation of a postgraduate student, Sukhbir Singh Badhal, was reported. The case came to light through the findings of a three-member committee inquiring into caste discrimination at AIIMS headed by University Grants Commission chairman Sukhdeo Thorat. Badhal's case was highlighted by The Times of India (May 13, 2007) and followed up by cnn-ibn. Badhal had stood first in a selection examination in lab medicine, but he was superseded by the second-ranker in the appointment to the coveted post of senior resident at the department of lab medicine.

Like Chandramohan, a Lalit Kala award winner, Badhal had distinguished himself in his field. Both were wronged. In both cases, the deans of the departments concerned —Shivaji Panikkar at MSUand RC Deka at AIIMS — stood up for their students whereas the respective managements not only justified their maltreatment but actively participated in their persecution. Where the similarity begins, it also ends. While Chandramohan's victimisation outraged a cross-section of voices — artists, academics, writers, actors, public intellectuals, lawyers, concerned citizens — there was no one to take up Badhal's cause. While a Free Chandramohan Committee quickly came into existence, a Help Badhal Committee did not materialise. Crucial here is the fact that Badhal happens to be a Dalit, and a Dalit who could stake a rightful claim to an institutional position without taking recourse to reservation. He had topped in the General category.

In Chandramohan's case, the very obvious villainy of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and the Bajrang Dal provided an ideal foil for the righteous though predictable indignation of the Left-liberal-secularists against the loony Right. Many times in the past they have appeared to feed off each other, and seem to unwittingly participate in a theatrical ritual where words and phrases such as "artistic freedom, cultural freedom, land of Khajuraho and Tantra, freedom of expression, moral policing, cultural intolerance/ hijack", etc, cross swords with "Western ideas, Hindu culture, hurting the sentiments of the majority, desecration of gods", and so on. These tiresome expressions, in turn, occupy placards, editorials, television bytes and SMS polls.

In this secular theatre, Chandramohan and not Badhal would appear "the good victim". This phrase was used in another illuminating context by Gary Younge (The Nation, April 19, 2007) while comparing Rosa Parks' case in Alabama, 1955, with that of Claudette Colvin, a 15-year-old who too had a few months earlier refused to get up and offer her seat to a white man. But unlike Parks, Colvin was too dark, too poor; and worse, an unwed mother. Colvin being the trigger for the boycott that spurred the civil rights movement would have been unacceptable. Parks, however, was seen by Martin Luther King Jr as a woman of family values, someone who had "character, integrity and Christian commitment". Strategists of movements, argues Younge, need a good victim and wait for one if they have to. In India, this plays out a little differently. There are people whose victimhood, however grievous and morally grounded, does not qualify as campaign-worthy for the rest of civil society.

AIIMS is a high-profile institution headed by P. Venugopal, an unabashed opponent of reservation who has done little to hide his prejudices against Dalits and other oppressed sections of society. (A white man in a similar position at Harvard Medical School would not have so zealously paraded his prejudices as Venugopal has.) Badhal, with his indisputable academic "merit", represents an attack on the new sense of victimhood claimed by the entrenched classes and castes, the likes of Venugopal and his no-less-tactful supporters in the media. When news of Badhal's victimisation broke, we did not see any outrage from the usual interlocutors who launched email signature campaigns and organised protest meetings in support of Chandramohan. Badhal's, for that matter, is not an isolated case. Reports of Dalit and Adivasi students being hounded at AIIMS surfaced in April and September 2006. One student, Umakant Nagar, had reported that an "abusive and threatening" message had been inscribed on the door of his room forcing him to shift out. In due course, 29 students — all Dalits and Adivasis — were forced to shift hostels. But such ghettoisation and segregation at AIIMS — justified by Venugopal and his ad-hoc appointees — did not become a campaign issue for the secular-liberals.

More recently, Ajay Kumar Singh, an MBBS student at AIIMS, testified at the Indian People's Tribunal on Untouchability organised by the National Council for Dalit Human Rights. His account of systematic abuse by the AIIMS administration appeared in Tehelka (June 2, 2007) in which he describes how the privileged caste students and management at AIIMS had joined hands to make sure he does not get his medical degree.

This selective indifference is not so inscrutable. It could be argued, perhaps rationally, that Badhal's being a Dalit is not the sole factor, and that the secular-liberals who show up at these protests relate more easily to a case of denial of freedom of an artist's expression than to a case of denial of a job to an otherwise qualified candidate. The latter comes across as a dull, drab case in comparison with one like Chandramohan's. It is likely that most of those who identified with the Baroda student-artist were in fact offended by the encroachment by unenlightened lumpens on the turf of art. Art becomes a good cause to fight for and Chandramohan the perfect victim. However, the reason why most players who took to the streets for Chandramohan did not deem it necessary to react to Badhal goes a little deeper than the attractiveness that "art" provides.

When students in elite institutions across the country (led by the IITs, IIMs, AIIMS) protested the suggested reservation for the Other Backward Classes in Central colleges, and demonstrated their protest in the most vulgar and demeaning manner — by sweeping roads, polishing shoes and selling vegetables — the same secular-liberal intelligentsia that jumps at the opportunity that a Chandramohan or a Husain provides, remained completely indifferent. Perhaps they decided that the protesting students could not be denied their rightful freedom to express their contempt towards the labouring castes.

It is this silence — 'indifferentism' as Ambedkar had prophetically termed the caste Hindu/liberal attitude to anti-caste concerns — that continues to echo for Badhal.

What happened to Badhal was unconstitutional, as much as what happened to Chandramohan. msu Vice-Chancellor Manoj Soni, Narendra Modi's rss-backed appointee, is quite easily the ugly villain compared to Venugopal; unlike Soni, the AIIMS director does not have any direct Hindutva connection. We are left with a scenario where confronting the obvious wrongs of the overzealous Hindutva brigade seems an acceptable national-secular pastime, whereas taking on the casteist non-Hindutva demons who have prowled this society for far longer, becomes nobody's burden. When only Dalits are forced to bear the burden of articulating Dalit issues they are dubbed sectarian; the casual betrayal of Dalits by the rest of society passes for secularism. While everyday secularism in India is animated by concerns for issues that relate to religion, and especially the religious Right, issues concerned with caste discrimination leave them cold. Such secularism fails to acknowledge, forget understand, that for civil society to come to real terms with the Modis, Sonis, Goradias and Togadias, it has to first take a position on invisibilised everyday caste discrimination. In the hierarchy of wickedness, Venugopal must share space with Soni and Modi. We can no longer afford to choose to free Chandramohan from Soni and yet allow Venugopal to hold Badhal a prisoner of caste.

Read Sandip Bandopadhyay's article on caste in West Bengal here.

Image: Prejudice by Reese.

The hidden violence at the heart of middle-class existence


Tumpa Manna’s mother with
her daughter’s photo.

by Bhaswati Chakravorty

Malda is very cold in winter. Sixteen-year-old Rimpi Datta shivers in the early morning dark, as she gets ready in her little darma hut on the banks of the Mahananda to run the freezing route to her employer’s house. She has to ring the bell exactly at six. It would not have been so bad if she could enter after that. But the lady of the house, after noting the time of Rimpi’s bell, sleeps for another half- an-hour or forty minutes. But she turns into a wide-awake fury if Rimpi is late.

For the last two years, Rimpi has been having weeping fits, her mother told me. She does not want to work in that house any more. But jobs for a growing girl in the ‘safety’ of a woman-only household are not easy to come by. And without Rimpi’s contribution to the wages her mother earns by working as domestic help too, the younger daughter cannot go to school and the little family, with a disabled older boy, cannot eat.

Not one of the women domestic workers I spoke to that day could explain why employers revel in cruelty. But Rimpi is lucky. She is paid wages, however meagre, and she does have a home to return to. The little ones who are trapped in their employers’ houses far away from home are immensely more vulnerable. Earlier this month in Durgapur, 12-year-old Gobardhan Mahato managed to escape the torture of his mistress and was taken to the police station. He used to be beaten up with serving spoons and sharp objects, often denied food and water, and never paid the Rs 400 promised him as wages. His home is in Purulia. His employer is a senior manager at the Durgapur Steel Plant. Towards the end of May in Howrah, 11-year-old Sumita Oraon was rescued from the clutches of her employers. They assaulted her and locked her up.

The torture on Sumita is of a familiar type. In 2004, Rashida Khatoon, 11 years old, ran away when her mistress, a lawyer’s wife, kicked her face to wake her one morning, and then scratched her till she bled. Rashida had been regularly beaten and her back repeatedly cut with a knife for the eight months she had been employed. The same year, 9-year-old Guria was rescued from her employers, a WHO officer and his teacher wife, by neighbours, after they had been beating and kicking her regularly for two years. They also attacked her with a knife. Eleven-year-old Sonia Khatoon was rescued from her employers in Garden Reach, Calcutta, miles away from her village in North 24 Parganas, with 11 wounds in her head, burns with a hot metal spatula on her face and neck, bruises on her back and stripes from a belt all over her body. She was no longer quite sane.

The list could go on. The weapons of torture provide a fascinating glimpse into the violent criminality that nestles behind the most respectable veneers, and which expresses itself innovatively when it is ‘safe’. Total vulnerability offers this sense of security. Torture is often sexual too, but in some perverse way, that is more explicable. Pure physical torture is usually the secret addiction of the woman of the house. It is only the child washing the clothes and scouring the pots who can hold a mirror up to the hidden soul of middle-class existence.

Just having a tiny, illiterate, half-starved child completely in one’s power within closed doors is not enough to create the sense of security. Part of it comes from a silent but active complicity of equals. I accompanied a member of an NGO to the home of Tumpa Manna, a 14-year-old who was supposed to have hanged herself in her employer’s flat a stone’s throw away from her parents’ slum. Two nights before her death, the girl told her mother that she would not work there anymore. Her mother promised to collect her in three days’ time. The police suddenly picked up Tumpa’s family in the middle of the second night, whisked them to the flat, allowed them a glimpse of the girl’s body laid out — not hanging — with her face undistorted, and then pushed them out. Her father was taken away by the police, locked up for the night and made to sign on a piece of blank paper. A TV channel later showed that the paper said, “My daughter has committed suicide.”

We met only the grandmother, who gave us these details. Tumpa’s parents, who had two younger children, had apparently left for their home in the Sunderbans. But the neighbours had more to say. At three in the morning, the weekly haat was being set up close to the flat. Hearing screams, some people rushed to the door, where they were told that someone was delivering a baby inside. The police came for Tumpa’s family an hour after that.

The police seemed very cooperative, but we made no headway in spite of repeated visits. Until a member of the family complained, there was nothing we could do. Tumpa’s employers had said they found her hanging when they went to check on her. The women in the slum asked us why they should suddenly go to the girl’s room in the middle of the night.

Perhaps because of such unanswerable questions, a crowd from the slum protested in front of the housing estate, threw stones and broke a few windshields. When we talked to other members of the estate, we found that the attitude towards Tumpa’s neighbours in the slum ranged from irritation to hostility. The class lines were nakedly drawn.

Ultimately, this is the security on which the violence-loving housewife and her sexually inclined male kin depend most. There is no other way to explain the string of “suicides” of domestic help that the media keep reporting. There is no deterrent. Cases, if poor people do dare to file them, go very slowly. And there is always money to silence them.

The employers of Sumita and Gobardhan have been arrested. It would be interesting to see what follows. That would show whether things are changing.

Its and it's



by Craig S Kaplan

Okay, look. I'm a grammar snob. If you want to be able to communicate with others, you need to wrap that communication up in an easily digested package. You need to pay considerable attention to the form and structure of what you're saying as well as the content. Careless use of language instills in the reader a lack of confidence in the writer. In the academic world, poor grammar is often a further impediment towards the understanding of already complex material.

One particular error that never ceases to make me cringe is the misuse of the words "it's" and "its". The distinction between "it's" and "its" was first conveyed to me with great intensity in the eighth grade, by the venerable Donna George at West Island College in Montreal. For years thereafter I suppressed my anger at the apostrophical affront, playing the stoic as best I could. But as I grow older and more curmudgeonly, and as the grammatical fibre of our society erodes, my tolerance for this typographical trespass trickles away.

Here, then, is my defiant outpost, my barricade against the teeming masses who would overrun the world with superfluous apostrophes (or, less often, withhold those apostrophes when they are so rightly required). Of course, I would rather build a classroom than a fortress, and so here follows a lesson in the correct usage of the words "it's" and "its". Be kind to your friend the apostrophe.

Read the article here.

Emerging 'isms' of the new economy



INFOSYSism

You have a 1000 poor cows. You put them on a nice campus, & send them one at a time to the US for milking.

LNTism

GE has a cow. You take 49% of the milk.

SATYAMism

You have a cow. You have its milk. But don't know what to do with it!

DELLism

Intel has a Goat. Samsung has a Camel. Buy milk from both & sell it as Cow's milk.

IBMism

You have old stubborn cows. You sell them as pet dogs to innocent small businessmen.

MICROSOFTism

You have a cow. Force the world to buy milk from you. Spend a million dollars to feed poorer cows.

SUNism

You have a bull. It doesn't give milk. You hate Microsoft.

ORACLEism

You have a cow. You don't know which side to milk, so you sell tools to help milk cows.

SAPism

You don't have a cow You sell milking solutions for cows implemented by milking consultants.

APPLEism

You have a cow. You sell iMilk.

SONYism

You have a cow. You spend $50 mn to develop the world's thinnest milk.

CITIBANKism

Welcome to Citibank. If you have a cow, press 1. If you have a bull, press 2...stay on line if you'd like our customer care to milk it for you.

HPism

You don't know if what you have is a cow. You sell complete milking solutions through authorised resellers only.

GEism

You have a donkey. People think you have a 100-year old cow. If someone finds out, that's his imagination at work.

RELIANCEism

You don't yet have a cow. You sell empty cans to people for Rs. 501, because Dhirubhai wanted everyone to have milk.

TATAism

You have a very old cow. You re-brand it as TATA Indicow.


Source: The Economic Times

Sunday, June 17, 2007

Farewell Ramu Gandhi



by Arindam Chakrabarti

Just now, an email message from a friend brought the stunning news that Ramchandra Gandhi was found dead in his room at the India International Centre earlier today, June 13, 2007. “Stunning” is most often used these days as an adjective of physical beauty. There is nothing beautiful about this terrible news. Ramu-da, my elder brother in philosophy — we were “gurubhais”, having done our doctoral research under the same supervisor at Oxford, twelve years apart — was by far the most original philosopher that India had produced in the 20th century since K.C. Bhattacharya. For academic philosophy in India and for the Indian intellectual scene at large, this is an immeasurable loss. This was no age to die at. He should have lived much longer. We should have seen to it that he did. I needed to listen to his sparkling sentences a few more times.

In India International Centre, where RNIs (resident non-Indians) escape from Delhi heat and hubbub to hobnob with changers and interpreters of humankind from all over the globe, Ramchandra Gandhi used to hang out, for the last couple of decades, usually in a corner of the bar or the restaurant, sometimes in the library, or in the lawn. As a public intellectual, he was the court-philosopher of Delhi’s cognitive oligarchy. Although a compulsive talker, he was very selective about interlocutors, and extremely sensitive to the audience’s presence or absence of mind. He would almost always end up sulking about how his ideas were being ignored, on that occasion, as well as generally. And most of them were, I am afraid, because he overwhelmed us with millions of absolutely fresh ideas. It was hard not to disappoint or offend him. He exemplified and held us to steep standards of humane, responsible, honest and authentic thinking. No one could meet such expectations.

Peppered with mannerisms — he would often close his eyes in the middle of a conversation, enacting the depth of the thought he was about to utter, then stretch his mouth in a smile, opening up a pair of gleaming eyes unmistakably resembling classic photographs of the Mahatma, his grandfather — and with silly puns and jokes, his conversation would actually be exceedingly demanding in content and style. Every time you listened to him, there was a new and difficult idea, an unexpected criticism of a political or social ideology or policy that you would expect him to approve of, a radically contemporary reformulation of an utterly unfashionable idea, a scornful rejection of a recent fad tempered with a profound sympathy for where the need for the fad was coming from. And few would see through the paradox-dropping, didactic, sage-like veneer into the recklessly exploratory imaginative mind, restless in its authentic search for tranquillity. Well, he must be tranquil now, leaving us restless.

But I think Ramu would be happy to explore the possibility that this grief over his untimely death is “stunning” even in the sense of being breathtakingly beautiful (may the spirit of Ramu bless this unwitting pun on “breathtaking”). What I mean is best told through a bit of autobiography. My father had just died. Seeing me clean-shaven in the scorching Delhi sun, Ramuda first offers a khadi-towel to protect my scalp, and then inquires with sympathy how my dad died and how the shraaddha ceremony went. I told him, among other things, that I was very struck by one ritual during the shraaddha. Apart from the Bhagavadgita and the Katha Upanishad story of young Nachiketa’s tryst with Death, they recommended that someone recite the Rasa Lila section of Srimadbhagavatam during the funeral rituals. Isn’t is weird, I asked Ramuda, that during the solemn commemoration of one’s just-deceased parent, the bereaved should have to listen to the erotic narration of the love-sport of Sri Krishna with his gopi-girlfriends? He frowned for a while, pursed his lips, and said: “Let me think about this a bit.”

After a few minutes, he got back to me. “How did you miss this allusion Arindam? Don’t you recall the famous thumri sung in the background in the film Satranj Ki Khilari, ‘Baabul mora naihar chhuto hi jaay’?” There he goes, I thought, explaining one obscure thing with something obscurer. “In the antara of that song, you will hear of four carriers — chaar kahaar — lifting up the doli, to take the girl to the house of the beloved. Man’s last journey to the cremation ground is always identified with the grown-up girl’s leaving her ‘parents’ home’ to get united with her loved one at her own true home. Your father’s soul lived gratefully in this ‘parental home’ of his body, but it was always betrothed to a beloved with whom the consummation of his union must be celebrated with the story of divine love. And of course, the world will never approve of this union, because the body thinks it is the legitimate site for your father’s consciousness, and leaving it to enjoy some other union is illicit love, as was the gopis’ dying to dance with Krishna.”

I recall this explanation of the connection between eros and thanatos, when I feel called upon by a counterfactual possibility that the dead Ramchandra challenges me: “Why is my death so stunning?”

This is not an obituary. So, I am not trying to recount the path-breaking work that Ramchandra Gandhi did, the generations of philosophy students that he has inspired as a teacher at St Stephen’s College, Delhi, in Visva-Bharati, Santiniketan, in Pune, in Hyderabad, in California Institute of Integral Studies and elsewhere. His books, his fiction, his dance-dramas (for example, The Last Temptation of Swami Vivekananda) will be — and need to be — commented upon. His strikingly original and meticulously argued defence of a spiritually and socially regenerative logically elegant advaita-based ahimsa needs to be understood and studied by our academics and policy-makers. His famous puns (for example, “Most of India’s elections are naturally rigged, because Indian culture follows rig-veda!”) and his distinctive sense of humour need to be recapitulated.

But, above all, what Ramchandra Gandhi imbibed from his spiritual hero, Ramana Maharshi — the sense of deathlessness in the middle of dying, the sense of deep contemplativeness in the middle of a fun-loving, politically feisty worldliness, the sense of loving union in the middle of leaving for ever — must be kept alive.
Still, in every sense, the news of his sudden death is stunning. To be stunned is for our minds to be arrested. Arresting the operations of the mind is how samadhi is defined by Patanjali. As I am feeling temporarily arrested myself, memories of Ramu Bhai singing for me an old Hindi film song from some rendition of the Ramayana ring in my ears: “Dukhi ek rajdulaari ki hum kathaa sunate hain, hum vyatha sunate hain!”

Professor Gandhi was fond of Sita, around whose kitchen he wove the plot of his only novel. Sita — the “dukhi rajdulaari” — didn’t die. When insults heaped upon insults hurled by her loving husband became too much for her, the ground beneath her feet opened as she sank into the earth. It was a puzzle to me how the logically astute Ramchandra could at the same time shed tears at the unjust sufferings of Sita, and remain so much a devotee of his namesake that he recommended, in print, that, in wisdom, courage and service, mankind ought to evolve into “Hanumankind” (I Am Thou).

For all his non-dualistic love for Ramachandra, he never failed to identify with the lonely and misunderstood life of Janaka’s daughter. Ramu was lonely and misunderstood too. In his brilliance and spiritual quest, and his impossible mixture of contemporariness and traditionalism, he had no peer, or equal compatriot.

His body was apparently found dead, in his room in IIC, and it will be seen going into the same fire used repeatedly to test his adored Sita. Nobody, including Ramu Gandhi himself, saw him dying or ceasing to exist. Nobody could. I would like to imagine that that night when he practised, while going to bed — as he told me he did daily, recalling the first mystical experience of Ramana Maharshi — meditating on “what it is like to be dead” (the title of one of his classic papers published in Philosophy East & West) — his vivid imagination congealed into reality. How much livelier than death can imagination get? His dying thus remained a non-object, a self-witnessed event never to be objectified by any human experience, any mortal description.

The last fire-rite will remember him, remember his Austinian good performances done with his inimitable words, his promising, his apologizing, his warning. The first of the seven flames of the sacrificial fire is called, in the Mundaka Upanishad, “Kali” — the goddess about whom Ramuda wrote a profound piece called “Kali on a bicycle”. Let us pray to that all-devouring flame of Time, mother Kali: “krato smara, kritam smara" (Sacrifice! Remember. Remember the done deed!) — Isha Upanishad.

Tuesday, June 12, 2007

Grand Sumo Tournament





From little acorns ... A little girl (above) and a little boy (below) line up against professional sumo wrestlers during an exhibition before the start of the Grand Sumo Tournament 2007, in Honolulu, Hawaii.

See the tournament photo gallery here.

Photos: AFP.